After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia played a leading role in forming 'Commonwealth of Independent States(CIS).' Russia has used differential foreign policies from those for 'Far Abroad' such as the U.S. or Europe, calling them(CIS states) 'Near Abroad' in the meaning of neighboring foreign countries. The Russian government has regarded the relationship with the 'Near Abroad' as a matter of top priority foreign policy. Russia has promoted the goals of unification and cooperation in various areas such as politics, economy and military among CIS countries through the Near Abroad policy.
However, some CIS countries such as Ukraine and Georgia have strengthened their ties with the West opposing the leadership of Russia in CIS. So Russia has used economic sanctions or military power to certain CIS countries that advocate pro-West. For instance, it has taken powerful suppressive actions such as in summer 2008, it had even a war against Georgia, import prohibition of wine to Moldova and interruption of natural gas supply to Ukraine, etc.
This produced a negative atmosphere about Russia's Near Abroad policy, and evoked an anxiety that the imperialism of the Soviet Union were reemerging in the Russian foreign policy.
The 'new-imperialism' the West asserts is summarized as Russia's consideration of the CIS as its own sphere of influence and its attempt to maintain the involuntary ties by revenging with force on the countries that try to escape from CIS. Meanwhile, under the situation in which the U.S. and Russia compete with each other in a zero-sumgame on the Near Abroad, it may be an aspect in which each drives the other party's actions into negative new-imperialist ones.
This paper examined this argument of the West and objection of Russia on whether the Near Abroad policy was new-imperialist from the politics, economy and military points of views. Russia has applied pressure mainly using economic superiority rather than physical power like military force in the relationship with Ukraine. Pressing Ukraine with energy as weapon in the gas supply conflict to Ukraine repeating every year is the representative.
However, the conclusion is that we cannot judge easily with certain issues only whether Russia's Near Abroad policy has new-imperialist tendency. In behaviors of a country, there are complicated motivations and action process which cannot be simplified as seen at the surface. In addition, the objection of Russia against the drive of the West into its Near Abroad policy into new-imperialism has rationality in its way. Of course there are powers that openly instigate Russia's imperialist dream arguing for `Slav Union' or 'Eurasian Alliance' to regain the glory of the former Soviet Union in Russia.
However, the Russians in authority have a position that even if it has a status of leading country in the CIS, it is too much to connect this to imperialism. They argue that it is natural for Russia to stress the tie with Near Abroad in the CIS area with various interests historically and in the process, that Russia, the successor true to the name of the Soviet Union acts as pivot is taken for granted. Voluntary process for cooperation and unification like European Union is necessary among Near Abroad countries and they stress that this is prepared through CIS.
The reason why the Near Abroad policy for Ukraine is easy to flow to imperialism is that Ukraine's foreign policy is pro-West orientated. If Ukraine, a geopolitical key point is inclined to pro-West, Russia would need a response to check it. In this process, a structure in which Russia with superior economic power suppresses Ukraine through gas conflict etc. is formed.
However, if you examine the gas conflict more closely, you would know Russia's natural demand is reflected there. In other words, the gas conflict may be seen one generated in the process in which Russia adjusts itself to international market price which it had supplied gas to CIS countries at unreasonably low price until now. Moreover, Ukraine has repeated wrongdoing such as not paying gas price almost 2 billion dollars in only 2008 and stealing Russian gas to Europe. In addition, Russia acts as the biggest export and import market of Ukraine since the dissolution of the Soviet Union until now. This is contrasted with the prohibition of main export items such as wine and purified water to Georgia and Moldova. Russia has not taken any action of interruption of trade that choke off economy for Ukraine at least.
Russia's Near Abroad policy for Ukraine doesn't completely lose the chance for cooperation and reconciliation. This is because both countries originally cannot but be placed in a close relationship. Considering the facts that Ukraine constitute Western boarder of Russia, 80% of Russian gas pipelines to Europe pass through Ukraine territory, and high political and economic relationship, it is difficult for Ukraine to be at enmity against Russia.
In conclusion, it is hasty to define Russia's Near Abroad policy for Ukraine as new imperialism. This is because Russia's policy response changes depending on the changes of diplomatic tendency of Ukraine. In addition, considering the fact that on the base of the gas conflict, there is a reasonable position of Russia at a glance, and in other issues the relationship between the two countries is normal, one shouldn't drive Near Abroad policy for Ukraine into new imperialism because of the superficial deterioration of relationship between the two countries.