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In 1985, the author published “the Reconsideration on Koguryo Zhacheng Relics”(高句麗柵城遺址). He denied the relics of Hunchun Baliancheng(琿春八連城) of today’s our country, that is, Balhaedongjinglongyuanfu(渤海東京龍原府) [it is called Zhachengfu(柵城府)]. At the same time he negated the traditional opinion of the academe that was affirmed to correspond to Koguryo Zhacheng Relics. And he newly put forward the view that the relics of Koguryo Zhacheng would be built, Chengzishanshancheng(城子山山城) was combined with Tuchengcuntucheng(土城村土城) (Later Xingangucheng (興安古城) was attached).
After that Fang Xuefeng(方學鳳) and Li Zongxun(李宗勛), and so on, professors denied that the author’s view and protested that Koguryo Zhacheng Relics belonged to the Wentehebucheng(溫特赫部 城) near Hunchun Baliancheng.
It appears that this kind of different view that we produced, of course, would be able to have all kinds of reasons. However, among them the most important reason that we believed is that if we have different understanding about the related to the record of events of Xintangshu Balhae biography(新唐書?渤海傳), it seems as if we had different understanding of being affiliated with the region of Beiwoju(北沃沮). Setting out from the view, the article will bring forward the author’s preliminary opinion related to two problems, focusing on the latest article of Prof. Fang Xuefeng and Prof. Li Zongxun, and I’m going to discuss it with many readers myself.
一.Fang Xuefeng(方學鳳):After Reading the Investigation about the Location of“ Koguryo Zhacheng”(高句麗柵城)
The author has ever pointed out in the reconsideration on Koguryo Zhacheng relics that it is necessary for him to analyse that in Xintangshu Balhae biography there is such a sentence that the place where Huimo(濊貊) lived once was Dongjing, and said it was Longyuanfu, and said that it was also called Zhanchengfu“( 濊貊故地爲東京, 曰龍原府, 亦曰柵城府”). In fact, it was why the place where Huimo lived once didn’t conform it, and so, of course, it would be replaced with the old site of Beiwoju. Therefore, the sentence mentioned above should be written“ the place where Beiwoju lived once was Dongjing, and said it was Longyuanfu, and said that it was also called Zhachengfu. The author recognizes that it was right that the old Site of Koguryo Zhacheng should be found not only inside the jurisdiction of Balhaedongjinglongyuanfu but also in the wider region (including the place where Beiwoju lived once), which was its groundwork. However, Prof. Fang claims that it was naturally and rationally formed becacuse the region of today’s Yanbian(延邊) was the place where Huimo lived once, the statements mentioned above in Xintangshu Balhae biography completely conformed the historical fact. And it was appropriate contents. The former name of Huimo had been formed before Beiwoju occupied it. According to his advice, Prof. Fang claims that the first half of Xintangshu Balhae biography(the place where Huimo
二.Li Zhongxun(李宗勛): After Reading the Discrimination about the Relics of Koguryo Zhacheng
As for Prof. Li’s advice about the relics of Koguryo, when we see it from the largest range, there is much more similar points to the one of Prof. Fang. Under this circumstance, he’ll enclose the problems, which are distinguished and recognized each other by the two people, to explain them. Prof. Li expresses his agreement with the author’s advice that it was right for him to recognize that the place where Huimo lived once would be replaced by the place where Beiwoju lived once. However, he recognized that it was not enough that the relics of Koguryo Zhacheng(高句麗柵城) was discovered near today’s Yanji(延吉). It is obvious that he has two important reasons. Firstly, the relics of Koguryo Zhacheng must be discovered inside the jurisdiction of Balhaedongjinglongyuanfu(渤海東京龍原府). Because the region of Yanji(延吉) belongs to Balhaexiandefu(渤海顯德府), it is wrong that the relics of Koguryo Zhacheng were discovered here. Secondly, the region of Yanji doesn’t include in the region of Beiwoju(北沃沮). I don’t repeat the first reason here, because I have specified it above during the analysis of Prof. Fang’s advice. The second reason, that is, what the region of Yanji doesn’t include in the region of Beiwoju doesn’t also conform with the real fact of history.
As a result, Beiwoju doesn’t belong to the region of Hunchun of the lower reacher of Doumanjiang(豆滿江) and while it belongs to the whole district of today’s Yanbian(延邊), including Hunchun(琿春) and Yanji(延吉), and even it includes the wider region than it. It will be proved not only in the recordation of many ancient books but also according to the archaeological remains , and today it is fact that many scholars in our country admit it.
Prof. Li also points out that if the relics of Koguryo Zhacheng exist near Yanji, it doesn’t conform with the recordations of ancient books which are written Koguryo “Dongzhi Zhacheng(高句麗“東至柵城”)(It is why there were a lot of jurisdictions of the Koguryo in the southeast of Yanji). And also he protested that Zhachng(柵城) was a city which was built with MuZha(木柵), and that the concave part of the centeral part of the southern rampart in the Hunchun
Baliancheng(琿春溫特赫部城) was the trace that the people of Koguryo built MuZha. It is obvious that it is hard for these suggestions to persuade people.
All the facts that are discoursed above can be proved that the relics of Koguryo Zhacheng(高句麗柵城) denied the traditional opinions of the academe, which was confirmed to belong to Hunchun Baliancheng. As a result, the author’s advice that is recognized that Chenzishanshancheng(城子山山城), Tuchengcuntucheng(土城村土城), Xingangucheng(興安古城) near Yanji(延吉) are recombined together is not fault. On the contrary, it is the sound one that is combined with the matter of history기사명 | 저자명 | 페이지 | 원문 | 목차 |
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근대 한국의 단군 인식과 민족주의 | 서영대 | pp.7-51 |
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현대 한국의 단군 인식과 민족문제 | 이용범 | pp.53-83 |
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근대 중국의 國祖 認識과 민족문제 | 이준갑 | pp.85-112 |
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民族主義 이데올로기 영향하에서의 중국 외교정책에 대한 고찰 :'炎帝·黃帝숭배' 연구를 중심으로 | 이재광 | pp.113-137 | ||
古朝鮮의 交易과 貨幣使用에 관한 試論的 검토 | 박선미 | pp.141-171 |
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高句麗 柵城 遺址 三考 | 박진석 | pp.173-215 |
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광개토왕대 永樂 연호와 佛敎 | 조경철 | pp.217-242 |
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'東北工程' 前史 :傅斯年의 『東北史綱』 비판 | 이병호 | pp.243-283 |
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고대 일본의 高麗樂에 대한 기초 연구 | 전덕재 | pp.285-331 |
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조선 초기 울릉도·독도 관리정책 | 김호동 | pp.333-363 |
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번호 | 참고문헌 | 국회도서관 소장유무 |
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1 | 朴眞奭, 1985,「 高句麗柵城遺址考」,『 朝鮮問題硏究叢書』3, 延邊大學朝鮮問題硏究所 | 미소장 |
2 | 朴眞奭, 1994,「 高句麗柵城遺址再考」,『 高麗學術文化財團“제7회 韓國민족사 국제학술 심포지엄”』 | 미소장 |
3 | 고구려 책성의 위치에 대한 고찰 | 소장 |
4 | 『後漢書』 | 미소장 |
5 | 『三國志』 | 미소장 |
6 | 中央民族學院硏究部주편, 1958,『 歷代各族傳記論編』第一編, 中華書局. | 미소장 |
7 | 『滿洲源流考』 | 미소장 |
8 | 國史編纂委員會, 1987,『 中國正史朝鮮傳』譯註一 | 미소장 |
9 | 譚其驤 외, 1989,『 東北歷史地理』제1권, 黑龍江人民出版社, 414쪽 | 미소장 |
10 | 『三國史記』 | 미소장 |
11 | 연변박물관『연변문화유물략편』집필소조, 1989,『 연변문화유물략편』, 연변인민출판사 | 미소장 |
12 | 『史記』 | 미소장 |
13 | 『漢書』 | 미소장 |
14 | 文物出版社편, 1975,『 中國歷史年代簡表』, 文物出版社, 47쪽. | 미소장 |
15 | 金毓黻, 1934,『 渤海國志長編』下編, 吉林省社會科學戰線雜誌社영印(1982) | 미소장 |
16 | 朴時亨지음∙宋基豪해제, 1989,『 발해사』, 이론과실천, 181쪽. | 미소장 |
17 | 『山海經』 | 미소장 |
18 | 『魏書』 | 미소장 |
19 | 『新唐書』 | 미소장 |
20 | 채태형, 1990,「 발해 동경룡원부`-`훈춘 팔련성설에 대한 재검토」,『 력사과학』제3호, 사회과학출판사 | 미소장 |
21 | 사회과학원, 2002,『 동해안 일대의 발해유적에 대한 연구』, 도서출판 중심, 211~215쪽. | 미소장 |
22 | 李宗勳, 1999,「 也談高句麗柵城遺址」,『 延邊大學歷史系建立50周年記念史學論叢』, 延邊大學出版社, 81~90쪽 | 미소장 |
23 | 李宗勳, 2005,「 高句麗 柵城유적에관한 辨釋」,『 고구려 문화의 역사적 의의』, 高句麗硏究財團 | 미소장 |
24 | 『吉林通志』 | 미소장 |
25 | 鄭永振∙嚴長錄, 2000,『 延邊古代簡史』, 延邊大學出版社, 43쪽. | 미소장 |
26 | 中國社會科學院語言硏究所詞典編輯室, 1980, 『現代漢語詞典』, 商務印書館, 1448쪽 | 미소장 |
27 | 『漢鮮文新玉篇』下卷, 漢城寶文館編輯部著, 167쪽 | 미소장 |
28 | 昭和54년,『 新解明國語辭典』(第二版), 東京:三省堂, 416쪽. | 미소장 |
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