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Title Page

Copyright

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Contents

Preface / Kim Dae Jung 9

1980 15

Last Statement 16

1983 27

The Meaning of Modern Korean History: Ten Years of Upheaval 28

The Kidnapping Incident and the Japanese Government 28

The Kwangju Situation 44

The Truth About Chun Doo Hwan's Regime 69

The Korean Economy: Present Situation and New Directions 77

The Age of People's Revolutions 90

Suggestions for Japan and America 104

Footnote 122

Kim Dae Jung: Held for Ransom 123

U.S. Involvement 124

Japanese Involvement 127

Footnotes 134

On Korea: Kim Dae Jung 137

Korea and Japan 164

I. Japan, A Distant Neighbor 164

II. Problems Between the Two Nations 166

III. Positive Aspects in Korean-Japanese Relations 169

IV. What Can We Do to Improve Korean-Japanese Relations? 170

Cultural Tradition and Democracy in Korea 172

I. Korea's Indigenous Historical Tradition and the Prospects for Democracy 173

II. The Confucian Tradition and Prospects for Democracy 175

III. Reasons for the Failure of Democratic Development in Korea 178

Democracy in Korean History 184

I. Korean Politics Before the 1970s 184

II. The Park Regime in the 1970s: The Yushin Dictatorship 188

III. Korean Politics in the 1980s 193

IV. Conclusion 196

Christianity, Human Rights, and Democracy in Korea 198

I. Current Human Rights Conditions in Korea 198

II. The Relationship Between the Human Rights Movement and Democratic Restoration in Korea 200

III. Human Rights and Christianity 203

IV. The United States and Human Rights and Democracy in Korea 205

The President, Trustees and Faculty of Emory University take pleasure in awarding to Kim Dae Jung the degree of Doctor of Laws 208

Korea's Role in East Asia and America's Role in Korea 209

A. Korea as the Location of Great Power Politics 210

B. Korea's Role in Establishing Peace in East Asia 213

C. Prospects for Democracy in South Korea 216

D. The Role of the United States in Democratic Restoration in Korea 218

Peace and Unification 221

I. The Balance of Power and the Korean Peninsula 221

II. A Democratic Government as a Prerequisite to Peace and Unification 227

III. America's Role in the Restoration of Democracy 231

My Faith and My Political Participation 233

Kim's Hunger Strike 241

A Prisoner's Report 244

I. The History of My Persecution 244

II. Life in Prison 246

III. Recommendations to Amnesty International 253

1984 256

The Destiny of the Korean Nation at the Crossroads: My Views and Proposals 257

I. The Road to [원문불량;p.259] 257

II. The Road to Peace and Unification 264

III. Conclusion 266

Press Conference 270

1985 311

My Country, My Aspiration 312

People of Diligence and Hope 312

Is National Unification Possible? 314

Unification Through One Federation and Two Independent Governments 317

What is the Correct Path toward National Security 320

True National Security is From Genuine Democracy 321

We Must Guarantee the People the Right of Free Choice 324

We Must Change the System to a Direct Presidential Election 326

Without Democracy, There Will Be No Political Stability 328

Let's Establish a True Democratic Economic Structure 331

There Must Be A Balance Between Growth, Stability, and Distribution 333

The Days of Labor-Intensive Exports Are Over 334

We Must Oppose Economic Advancement Through "Non-Economic" Means 336

Beyond Bitter Resentment 338

We Must Solve Our National Resentment Concerning "Kwangju" Through Restoration of Democracy 341

Never Commit Political Reprisal 342

No Concession to Our Goal of Democratic Restoration 343

We Must Settle the Crisis Through a Big Three Meeting 345

Democracy and Dissidence 348

1986 368

On The Constitutional Amendment proposed by the DJP 369

My Plea for Dialogue 371

The Two Kims' Strategy for the Constitutional Amendment 376

Calm Politics before the Storm 376

The Two Kims Recognize the Limits of SPCAC. 377

"Amendment Through Compromise" Means a Choice Between the Two Proposed Systems 380

Kim Dae-Jung's Flexible Posture on Political Dialogue 382

Behind the Political Truce during the Asian Games 382

For the Rejection of Anti-American Hostility 384

The United States Demands the Alleviation of Anti-Americanism 386

Policy of Compromise Rather than Struggle-when Kim was a Middle Level MP 388

The Great Problem Now-Pardon and Reinstatement 390

Rejection of Any Dialogue with Kim Dae-Jung 392

An Argument between Lee Min-Woo (President of NKDP) and Mr. Kim Dae-Jung 394

Extreme Radicalization of the Negotiators 395

Delicate Feud Between the Two Kims in the Management of SPCAC 398

Exquisite Prioritization in the Dual Strategy of War and Peace 400

Revival of Solidarity between the NKDP and the National Opposition Forces 403

The Possibility of Better Relations between the NKDP and the Students 404

Opposition Support Even Exceeds the Ardor of Last Spring 407

The Reemerging Argument over the "Standard-Bearer for the Opposition" 410

The Two Kims merely Repeat the Refrain-"We Emptied Our Hearts" 413

Renewal of the "Role Distribution" Debate 415

The Readjustment of the Two Kims' Relationship is the Key to Political Progress 418

South Korea: Voices for Democracy 421

Words of Encouragement 435

House Arrest 435

Oppression 436

Declaration 436

Breeding Communism 437

Genuine Security 437

Non-partisan Cabinet 438

Road to Triumph 439

My Resolution 440

1987 443

Current Political Situation 444

I. Constitutional Amendment 444

II. Problem of National Security 448

III. Anti-American Radicalism 451

IV. The Issue of Democratization 457

V. Circumstances Surrounding Kim Dae-Jung 460

Our Resolve and Suggestions Concerning the Present Impasse 463

1. Our Firm Belief in the Triumph of Democracy in 1987 463

2. Five Suggestions Concerning the Present Impasse 465

3. The Resolve That We Offer to Our People 467

South Korea's Chief Should Go Now 470

Biography of Kim Dae Jung 474

Afterword 481

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