영문목차
List of Tables=ix
List of Figures=xi
Acknowledgments=xiii
Introduction=1
CHAPTER 1. Citizen Competence and Democratic Decision Making=12
CHAPTER 2. Data and Methods=50
CHAPTER 3. The Preference/Policy Link=70
CHAPTER 4. Policy Domains and Democratic Responsiveness=97
CHAPTER 5. Interest Groups and Democratic Responsiveness=124
CHAPTER 6. Parties, Elections, and Democratic Responsiveness=162
CHAPTER 7. Democratic Responsiveness across Time=193
CHAPTER 8. Money and American Politics=234
Appendix=253
Notes=279
References=305
Index=323
2.1. Observed and Imputed Percent Favoring Policy Change=62
2.2. Alternative Question Wordings for Reliability Estimates=64
2.3. Consistency vs. Correlation as Measures of Policy Responsiveness=68
3.1. Policy Responsiveness by Income Percentile=76
3.2. Policy Responsiveness by Size of Preference Gap across Income Percentiles=79
3.3. Policy Responsiveness When Middle-Income Preferences Align with Those of the Affluent or the Poor=84
3.4. Alternative Estimates of Policy Responsiveness by Income Percentile=87
4.1. Policy Responsiveness by Policy Domain=98
4.2. Characteristics of Proposed Policy Changes by Policy Domain=99
4.3. Decline in Policy Responsiveness as Preferences across Income Groups Diverge=102
4.4. Foreign Policy and National Security Preferences=106
4.5. Religious/Moral Values Issue Preferences=110
4.6. Economic Issue Preferences=114
4.7. Social Welfare Issue Preferences=118
5.1. Distribution of Interest Group Alignments=131
5.2. Interest Group Alignment and Public Preferences as Predictors of Policy Outcomes=137
5.3. Interest Group Engagement and Public Preferences as Predictors of Policy Outcomes=139
5.4. Interest Group Alignment, Public Preferences, and Their Interaction as Predictors of Policy Outcomes=141
5.5. Correlations between Public Preferences and the Net Interest Group Alignment Index=144
5.6. Interest Group Alignment and Public Preferences as Predictors of Policy Outcomes by Policy Domain=148
5.7. Correlations between Public Preferences and Interest Group Positions=156
6.1. Restructuring the Dataset to Create Two Annual Observations from Each Policy Question=169
6.2. Policy Responsiveness and the Federal Election Cycle=171
6.3. Policy Responsiveness and the Length of the Presidential Partisan Regime=176
6.4. Party Control Score=179
6.5. Policy Responsiveness and Partisan Control=181
6.6. Policy Responsiveness and Partisan Control by Policy Domain=184
6.7. Multivariate Analyses of Policy Responsiveness=191
7.1. Policy Responsiveness by President by Income Percentile=200
7.2. Policy Responsiveness by President When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=202
7.3. Characteristics of Proposed Policy Changes by President=204
7.4. Policy Responsiveness under G. W. Bush and Johnson by Income Percentile(in Comparison with Reagan, G.H.W. Bush, and Clinton)=219
7.5. Policy Responsiveness under G. W. Bush in 2001-02 vs. 2005-06 by Income Percentile=228
A3.1. Policy Responsiveness by Size of Preference Gap across Income Percentiles=254
A3.2. Policy Responsiveness by Income Percentile When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=255
A3.3. Alternative Estimates of Policy Responsiveness by Income Percentile=256
A3.4. Policy Responsiveness When Preferences across Income or Education Levels Diverge=259
A4.1. Policy Responsiveness by Policy Domain by Income Percentile=260
A4.2. Policy Preference, Preference Divergence, and Their Interaction as Predictors of Policy Outcome by Policy Domain by Income Percentile=261
A4.3. Social Welfare Policy Preferences, Preference Divergence, and Their Interaction by Income by Interest Group Alignment=262
A5.1. Expanded Power 25 List of Interest Groups in Washington, DC=263
A6.1. Policy Responsiveness and Length of Presidential Partisan Regime=264
A6.2. Policy Responsiveness and Partisan Control=266
A6.3. Policy Responsiveness and Partisan Control by Policy Domain=267
A6.4. Policy Responsiveness by Direction of Redistributive Policies by Partisan Control=269
A6.5. Multivariate Analyses of Policy Responsiveness=270
A7.1. Linear and Quadratic Time Trends in Policy Responsiveness by Income Percentile=273
A7.2. Gridlock and Policy Responsiveness by Income Percentile=274
A7.3. Size of Majority Party Seat Advantage and Policy Responsiveness by Income Percentile=276
A7.4. Policy Responsiveness under Johnson and G. W. Bush=277
3.1. Stylized Models of Policy Responsiveness=71
3.2. Observed Association between Policy Preferences and Policy Outcomes=73
3.3. Observed and Predicted Associations between Policy Preferences and Policy Outcomes=75
3.4. Policy Responsiveness for the 10th, 50th, and 90th Income Percentiles=77
3.5. Policy Responsiveness When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=80
3.6. Policy Responsiveness When Preferences Diverge between the 90th and Other Income Percentiles=82
3.7. Percent "Don't Know" and Strength of Opinion by Income Percentile=89
3.8. Homogeneity of Preferences by Income Percentile=92
3.9. Policy Responsiveness When Preferences across Income or Education Levels Diverge=94
4.1. Policy Responsiveness by Policy Domain by Income Percentile=101
4.2. Policy Responsiveness Overall and When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=103
5.1. Percent of Proposed Policy Changes Adopted by Interest Group Alignment=133
5.2. Predicted Probability of Policy Change by Interest Group Alignments, Preferences of the 90th Income Percentile, and Their Interaction=142
6.1. Policy Responsiveness by Year in the Federal Election Cycle When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=172
6.2. Policy Responsiveness by Length of Partisan Regime When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=177
6.3. Policy Responsiveness under Maximum Republican or Democratic Party Control When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=182
7.1. Time Trends in Policy Responsiveness=199
7.2. Policy Responsiveness by President=200
7.3. Time Trends in Policy Responsiveness When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=201
7.4. Policy Responsiveness by President When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=203
7.5. Total U.S. Congressional Campaign Expenditures(in millions of 2010 dollars)=207
7.6. Income Inequality in the United States=208
7.7. Change over Time in Percentage of Proposed Policy Changes Adopted=210
7.8. Relationship of Partisan Regime Change and Gridlock as Influences on Policy Responsiveness=211
7.9. Gridlock and Policy Responsiveness=212
7.10. Gridlock and Policy Responsiveness When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=213
7.11. Size of the Majority Party Seat Advantage, 1964-2006=215
7.12. Majority Party Seat Advantage in the Senate and Policy Responsiveness=216
7.13. Majority Party Seat Advantage in the Senate and Policy Responsiveness When Preferences across Income Levels Diverge=217
7.14. Policy Responsiveness under Johnson and G. W. Bush(in Comparison with Reagan, G.H.W. Bush, and Clinton)=220
7.15. Association of Presidential Job Approval with Respondents' Party Identification and Income during July/August of First Year in Office=225
8.1. Forms of Political Involvement by Income=240