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List of Figures and Tables
Acknowledgments
1. Introduction: Co-operative Enterprise, Exceptionally Un-American?
American Co-operative Development through a Comparative Lens
The Argument in Brief
Plan and Outline of the Book
2. Conceptualizing the Comparative Development of Co-operative Enterprise
Co-operatives 101: A Primer
Case Selection and Overviews
Comparing Institutionalisms: Historical Institutionalism versus Field Theory
3. Finland, the Co-operative Commonwealth?
Co-operatives as an Offensive Strategy in Finnish Nation-Building, 1800s–1945
Co-operatives as Defense: Finlandization, the Cold War, and a Tale of Two Co-operative Movements, 1946–1995
Co-operatives as Globalization Insurance: Liberalization, European Integration, and the Return of Russia, 1995–Present
Finland’s Co-operatives, Geography, and the Evolution of Fields
4. Co-operatives as the Heart of France’s Social and Solidarity Economy
The French Evolution? Co-operatives’ Slow Emergence in Modern France, 1780s–1860s
A Field in Full: From “the Co-operative Republic” to Les Trente Glorieuses, 1870s–1960s
The Rise of the Social and Solidarity Economy, 1970s/80s–Present
Co-operative Development: A French Evolution
5. Liberalism and Co-operatives: New Zealand’s Strange Bedfellows
New Zealand as a “Utopian Capitalist” Experiment Gone Awry: 1840–1870
Field Settlement: Alternative Ownership in the Making of Modern New Zealand, 1870–1970
Field Rupture: Co-operatives Adapt to the Liberalization of New Zealand, 1984–Present
6. American Cooperation in the 19th Century: A Field Denied
A Field in Formation? Four Strands of Antebellum American Cooperation, 1790–1860
The Role of Slavery in Constraining Antebellum Cooperation
Postbellum American Cooperation: “Wage Slavery” and the Knights of Labor, 1865–1880s
American Cooperation in the 19th Century: A Field Denied
7. American Cooperation since 1900: An Incomplete and Partially Organized Field
Partial Field Successes: Populist Farmers, Progressive Credit Unions, New Deal Utilities
Cooperation Lost: Consumers’ Retail Goods and Mutually Owned Financial Enterprises
Worker and Multi-Stakeholder Co-operatives: A Dream Deferred?
American Cooperation: An Incomplete Field
8. Conclusions of a Chrononaut
Co-operatives as Exceptionally Un-American
From Factors to Fields: The Value of a Field Theory Approach
From Theory to Practice: Conclusions for the American Co-operative Movement
Appendix
References
Index

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The cause of co-operatives' comparative weakness in the US is identified as reflecting the joint effect of economic liberalism and structural racism. Only in the US did the co-operative face, in its initial development, two well-entrenched incumbents operating with competing ownership models: the investor-owned firm and the race-based chattel slavery system of ownership of people. Proponents of these two models acted to deprive the co-operative movement of resources, and undermined the solidarity at the co-operative business model's heart, splintering the American co-operative movement in the process. In subsequent waves of co-operative organizing, advocates have never fully succeeded in overcoming these initial obstacles, resulting in a different outcome in the US, and consistent with broader conceptions of the US as a perennial outlier (i.e., American exceptionalism). In contrast, in the successful cases, advocates were better able to leverage resources to animate a national solidarity and procure the necessary political and economic resources to achieve scale.

Despite extensive study of cooperatives' real and imagined benefits, we know little about the conditions under which they achieve the lasting scale needed to be a viable alternative and transform the economy. Under what conditions can co-operatives achieve such scale? And are such conditions present in the US, where, despite repeated organizing efforts, co-operatives remain exceptionally rare at scale?

A rigorous comparative-historical analysis of how co-operative enterprises in different national contexts, this book seeks to answer these questions. Deploying two different variants of the new institutionalism, Spicer treats the US as a central case of comparative failure, as contrasted to three rich democracies where the co-operative business model has been more successful: Finland, France, and New Zealand.

Through an institutional approach, the cause of co-operatives' comparative weakness in the US is identified as reflecting the joint effect of economic liberalism and structural racism. Only in the US did the co-operative face, in its initial development, two well-entrenched incumbents operating with competing ownership models: the investor-owned firm and the race-based chattel slavery system of ownership of people. Proponents of these two models acted to deprive the co-operative movement of resources, and undermined the solidarity at the models' heart, splintering the American co-operative movement in the process. In subsequent waves of co-operative organizing, advocates have never fully succeeded in overcoming these initial obstacles. In contrast, in the successful cases, advocates were better able to leverage resources to animate a national solidarity and procure the necessary political and economic resources to achieve scale.

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