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Title page
Contents
Acknowledgements 4
Executive summary 5
1. Why investigate economic inequality in Australia? 9
1.1. What is economic inequality and why examine it again? 9
1.2. How to measure inequality - a policymaker's toolkit 11
2. Recent changes to inequality in Australia 15
2.1. Income inequality 15
2.2. Wealth inequality 27
2.3. Measures of potential and actual consumption 35
3. Income, transfers and consumption capacity by age 39
3.1. Variations in income and transfers across age groups 39
3.2. Measures of potential and actual consumption suggest less inequality between age groups 42
4. Income, transfers and wealth components by gender 46
4.1. Income snapshot by gender 46
4.2. Gender differences in transfer payments 49
4.3. Men tend to have more assets and debts than women 52
5. Inequality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people 55
5.1. Wellbeing encompasses more than income 55
5.2. Changes in income during the pandemic 57
5.3. Geography matters for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander incomes 59
5.4. Age and gender inequality within Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander incomes 62
Appendix: Inequality measures and data sources 65
A.1. Equivalised measures 65
A.2. Calculating income 66
A.3. Data sources 66
References 68
Table 1.1. Inequality measures toolkit 11
Figure 1.1. Illustrative example of inequality measures 13
Figure 2.1. Income growth accelerated leading up to the pandemic 16
Figure 2.2. Income inequality declined at the start of the pandemic, but then increased in the recovery 17
Figure 2.3. Percentile ratios also suggest inequality decreased early in the pandemic, before increasing in the recovery 18
Figure 2.4. Income growth was weak for the bottom few deciles over the pandemic period 19
Figure 2.5. The effects of COVID-19 on households varied across the distribution 21
Figure 2.6. Taxes and transfers significantly reduce income inequality 24
Figure 2.7. Most transfer payments go to lower-income households 25
Figure 2.8. Disaggregating government cash transfers into categories 25
Figure 2.9. Aged-related transfers are the largest type of transfers 26
Figure 2.10. Wealth has increased significantly in recent years 27
Figure 2.11. Average wealth increased for all deciles throughout the pandemic 28
Figure 2.12. Wealth inequality was stable but declined recently 28
Figure 2.13. Wealth grew faster for the bottom half during the pandemic 29
Figure 2.14. Wealth grew strongly across different components 30
Figure 2.15. Housing wealth has become more equally distributed in recent years 31
Figure 2.16. Superannuation inequality has been declining 32
Figure 2.17. The household savings rate rose during the pandemic 34
Figure 2.18. Income and wealth are not perfectly correlated 35
Figure 2.19. Calculating wealth-adjusted income 36
Figure 2.20. Wealth-adjusted income is distributed more unequally than disposable income 37
Figure 2.21. Expenditure is more equal than income 38
Figure 3.1. Disposable income is highest for those aged between 45 and 54 40
Figure 3.2. People over 65 receive far more government transfers than any other age group 41
Figure 3.3. Older people have higher wealth levels 42
Figure 3.4. Economic wellbeing of older cohorts depends on how much wealth people are assumed to deplete by the end of their lifetime 43
Figure 3.5. Wealth-adjusted income indicates that older age groups are better off than income suggests 44
Figure 3.6. Across age groups, expenditure does not always track income 45
Figure 4.1. Women have less disposable income than men across all income deciles 47
Figure 4.2. Women are under-represented in the top income deciles, although there has been some improvement over time 49
Figure 4.3. Women receive more government transfers than men, particularly family-related payments 50
Figure 4.4. The proportion of women who receive government transfers has declined over time 51
Figure 4.5. A lower share of women receive family payments now compared to 10 years ago 52
Figure 4.6. The superannuation gender gap opens early, and never closes 53
Figure 4.7. Men have more personal debt than women 54
Figure 5.1. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people's incomes grew - and fell - more sharply than the Australian average across the COVID-19 years 59
Figure 5.2. Remoteness affects Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander incomes 60
Figure 5.3. Not all remote areas fare the same 61
Figure 5.4. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander incomes rose and fell sharply in the COVID-19 period, especially in very remote areas 62
Figure 5.5. The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander gender income gap is lower than the gender income gap for all Australians 63
Figure 5.6. Younger Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are earning more than older people 64
Boxes
Box 2.1. Economic conditions changed rapidly throughout the pandemic 19
Box 2.2. What happened to the bottom decile in the tightening labour market? 22
Table A.1. Datasets used to measure economic inequality 66
Appendix Boxes
Box A.1. How to calculate equivalised measures 65
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